Washington, DC – A scene from The Dictator, the dark comedy classic by Sacha Baron Cohen, is currently making the rounds on Turkish social media. In the clip (link), Cohen’s character humorously eliminates his rivals in a race—an allegory that, in its simplest form, mirrors how elections now work in Turkey. Yet there’s a darker reason behind the viral trend: Under President Erdoğan’s regime, criticizing the government or posting dissenting comments on social media can easily land you in prison for years, thanks to a steady stream of anti-democratic laws.
Despite being a NATO member and an official candidate for EU membership, Turkey has slipped deeper into authoritarianism over the past decade. As of March 19, the country crossed yet another line. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan—who has ruled Turkey as Prime Minister and President for 23 uninterrupted years—moved to eliminate his strongest political rival ahead of the 2028 presidential race: Istanbul’s popular Mayor, Ekrem İmamoğlu.
İmamoğlu was expected to be officially announced as the presidential candidate for the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) on Sunday, March 23. In the latest local elections on March 31, 2024, the CHP became the largest political force nationwide. But just days before İmamoğlu’s candidacy announcement, the Erdoğan-controlled judiciary invalidated his university diploma—an essential requirement to run for president in Turkey. Without a four-year university degree, İmamoğlu is now barred from running despite leading every major poll as the favorite to win.
The diploma scandal, however, was only the beginning. Acting on orders from Akın Gürlek, Istanbul’s Chief Public Prosecutor known for leading politically motivated prosecutions, hundreds of police officers raided İmamoğlu’s home on the morning of March 19. The charges include leading a criminal organization and aiding the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)—a group designated as a terrorist organization by Turkey and its Western allies.
In a video message recorded before his arrest, İmamoğlu said: “I entrust myself to my people. I will continue to resist this individual and the mindset that uses the entire system as a mere tool.” Following a long hours-long siege and search at his home in Rumelihisarı overlooking the Bosphorus, İmamoğlu was taken into custody. Simultaneously, two district mayors from Istanbul and several municipal officials were also detained.
In a sweeping operation, authorities claimed that 106 people—including prominent journalist İsmail Saymaz—were arrested for alleged corruption and supporting terrorism. Under Turkish law, İmamoğlu and the others can be held for up to four days before seeing a judge. Yet the government immediately imposed a 24-hour lawyer ban, leaving the detainees without legal access. Meanwhile, İmamoğlu’s construction company was seized by state authorities.
The leader of the opposition CHP, Özgür Özel, condemned the operation in the strongest terms, calling it “a coup against the will of the people” and warning: “If we fail to stop this coup, there may never be another election in Turkey.”
In tandem, the government moved swiftly to suppress public outrage. Internet speeds slowed nationwide. Access to X (formerly Twitter), WhatsApp, and YouTube was disrupted. Metro lines leading to Istanbul’s protest zones were shut down. Major roads were blocked. The Istanbul Governor banned all protests, public statements, and marches citywide for four days. The government-controlled media watchdog, RTÜK, warned that any critical broadcasts would face immediate legal action.
Meanwhile, as the state launched a full-scale political crackdown, police violently dispersed university students protesting İmamoğlu’s arrest later that day.
The prosecution bases its case on two main accusations: rigging public tenders and corruption and links to the PKK. Yet one of the most bizarre details is the arrest of journalist İsmail Saymaz, a well-known opposition commentator from Halk TV. Saymaz is accused of “aiding an attempt to overthrow the Turkish government”—effectively, plotting a coup.
The prosecution has yet to present concrete evidence for the terrorism or corruption charges. The lack of credible evidence is widely acknowledged in politically motivated trials like these. Nevertheless, pro-government media—controlling nearly 90% of Turkey’s news landscape—broadcast leaked details of the investigation while defendants and their lawyers remain completely in the dark.
Thousands of İmamoğlu supporters defied bans and gathered outside the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality building and the police headquarters, chanting slogans demanding his release and calling for Erdoğan’s resignation.
Erdoğan has made no official comment on the operation. Yet pro-government media outlets have flooded the airwaves with stories accusing İmamoğlu and his team of grand corruption and PKK ties—again underscoring how state propaganda operates. In Turkey, defendants and their lawyers are denied access to evidence while supposed “state secrets” are paraded on television.
Political observers describe İmamoğlu’s arrest as a dramatic escalation of Erdoğan’s crackdown on dissent. Kurdish political leader Selahattin Demirtaş—another of Erdoğan’s major rivals—has been imprisoned for nearly nine years. Journalists, academics, and opposition figures are routinely jailed, cementing Turkey’s international reputation as a country hostile to free speech and political freedom.
Turkey’s Constitution limits presidents to two terms. However, Erdoğan controversially ran for a third term after pushing through legal loopholes and claimed victory in a highly disputed election. He is now maneuvering for a potential fourth run in 2028. Adding to the irony, Erdoğan’s own university diploma has long been shrouded in controversy, with opposition parties insisting that the document he presented is a forgery—a claim never disproven, as no original copy has ever surfaced.
With uninterrupted single-party rule for 23 years, Erdoğan has tightened his grip over Turkish institutions, especially after 2010. The media was brought under near-total control; critical outlets were shut down, and hundreds of journalists were imprisoned. Many experts compare Erdoğan’s consolidation of power after the 2016 coup attempt—widely viewed as Turkey’s “Reichstag Fire moment”—to authoritarian playbooks elsewhere. Post-coup, Erdoğan created a fully compliant judiciary and bureaucracy while pivoting Turkey closer to Russia’s geopolitical orbit.
Freedom House now ranks Turkey as “Not Free.” With this latest operation, Turkey has taken one more step toward dictatorship.
Adem Yavuz Arslan
Adem Yavuz Arslan is a Turkish journalist based in the United States. He has reported extensively from conflict zones, covering the 2003 Iraq War from Baghdad and northern Iraq, as well as the Kosovo conflict. In 2014, he was appointed Washington bureau chief for İpek Media Group. However, following the Turkish government's takeover and shutdown of İpek Media in October 2015, he briefly worked for Özgür Düşünce daily—until it too was forcibly closed in July 2016. Since then, Arslan has continued his journalism in exile, contributing to TR724.com, an online news platform run by exiled Turkish journalists. He has authored three books, some of which have been republished due to high demand. His investigative work and publications have led to severe repercussions from the Turkish government, which has issued a Red Notice against him. Currently living in exile, Arslan faces three aggravated life sentences in absentia due to politically motivated charges.
